Recently, the National Archaeological Research Center (Arkenas) through the Provincial Archaeology're getting a great job of Bandung in West Java, namely the excavation of the temple in Karawang district who allegedly represents remnants of the Kingdom Tarumanagara and excavating the newly discovered temples in the area Bojongmenje Rancaekek, District Bandung. The second meaning of these findings for West Java community is something that is very meaningful to clarify the existence of the Sundanese people in the stage of history on the island of Java in the classical period, the period prior to entry and growing influence of Islam.
Findings Temples in the area that appears to be Batujaya Donegal is the largest site in West Java do have a close relationship with the inscription of monument, the inscription contained in Tugu village, near Tanjung Priok now. The Tugu Inscription is stated that King Purnawarman ordered to dig two channels, namely Candrabaga and Gomati, where both channels the flow is deflected into the first of his palace and then flowed back into the estuary.
The length of the canal after 6122 tumbak excavated so far, by prof. Dr. Poerbatjaraka estimated length of 11 km. If that estimate is used as a benchmark Purbatjaraka in tracing former palace ruins Tarumanegara, then Batujaya site is the most appropriate location for the assumed location of the former palace of King Purnawarman because the distance between the location of the site with the Estuary Flag (where the Citarum river splitting into two, namely the Estuary towards Pakistan and that led to the Estuary Gembong) is about ± 11 kilometers. The township which lies between the two fractional flow to the lips of Citarum River and Estuary Gembong Pakis Coast is experiencing a continuous delta sedimentation due to activities of fluvial sedimentation / erosion brought by the Citarum River.
Allegation that an ancient beach where bermuaranya canal / river Gomati Candrabaga and dug by King Purnawarman located in Muara Flag, based on sedimentation of fluvial (river) that occurred in the Citarum River. From upstream, the flow of the river carrying sediment sources such as waste and mud that later formed the delta of the Estuary Flag. Due to sedimentation of fluvial (river) which is continuous, has zoom and split the delta area of the Citarum River flow into two, namely that led to Pakistan and that led to the Estuary Estuary Gembong now.
The distance between the Estuary to Estuary fern flag is now about 12 km and that led to the Estuary Gembong approximately 15 km away. Geological research in the area around the estuary Flag will probably give more accurate answers about the alleged location of the estuary as it is written in an ancient monument inscription.
The most recent thing in the world of archaeological discoveries in West Java is a temple located in the area Rancaekek, Bandung regency. In the area of this site is being carried out further excavations are planned for restoration and reconstruction efforts of the temple by a special team of restoration experts from GMU temple. As presented by Prof. Dr. Ayatrohaedi and Dr. Tony Djubianto in a roundtable discussion organized by People's Daily Thoughts General on 9 September 2002, it is possible that the temple is derived from the VII century, based on a seam and some other aspects contained in the carved stone temples. Or maybe of the century before that, because of the yoni (symbol of Shiva), it was not found, which means that the temple was founded during the pre-Hindu. If indeed this assumption is correct, it is possible that the temple is able to provide answers to the history of the Sunda post Tarumanagara disjuncture. News post Tarumanagara oldest inscription is an inscription found in Bogor are numbered from the year 932 AD or the 10th century known as the Kebon Inscription Coffee.
Nevertheless, the discovery of these temples still have not answered any questions during this mystery, namely "Why in Tatar Sunda very rare found in the temples legacy of the past empires as well as in Central Java and East Java?" All this raised a few answers try to explain these questions but not supported by historical evidence is strong. The first is agricultural and sociological answer to the second, the answer to the process of Islamization. Answer-agricultural sociological example is found in the book Nina Herlina (1998:26):
"The main livelihood of the farming population in the first Priangan or ngahuma; only then bersawah. Since the days of the kingdom of Sunda, Sundanese people known livelihood as a farmer. Prominent features on the tiller of society is the habit of always moving place to find a fertile land. This farming habits affect the place of residence. They do not require a sturdy permanent building, which is simple enough. Most likely that's one reason why in Priangan not many relics in the form of temple or palace as in Central Java. "
While the answer to the latter explained that the process of Islamisation in the Sunda tend to be more intensive than in Central Java and East Java. Islamisation process in a more intensive effect on religious militancy Sundanese. Because of the strong Islamic, Sundanese people who had converted to Islam allegedly "destroyed" the building temples as a relic of Buddha and Hindu place of worship contrary to the beliefs of Islam are taught. Until now the two assumptions mentioned above are not supported by historical evidence of new allegations of an alias. This paper raised another perspective that has so far not revealed by lifting the three arguments, namely monotheism, the Sundanese, the egalitarian tradition of the society, and the reality of power in pre-Islamic Sundanese.
Monotheism Sundanese
From existing and historical news from the latest archaeological research, West Java or Sunda region is an area that gets the first Hindu and Buddhist influence from India. Political activities of government with a series of bureaucratic activity has been running since the early centuries AD. This indicates that the Sundanese people in Indonesia was the first person who has to understand and use bureaucratic mechanisms to regulate the ruler-people relations and in social relationships between people.
Effect of Hindus and Buddhists who came from India after experiencing sinkretisasi process with local religions (animism and dynamism) starting accepted by the political elite of the kingdom. Kastaistis social stratification has its own advantages for royal nobles, while the outer layer of the royal society still uses the old belief that worship hyang by Fa-Hien who is called as "bad faith" as stipulated in the Chinese news reports. The phrase "bad faith" by Fa-Hien was a common phrase uttered by people who adhere to a religion of people of other faiths.
In a theological conception of pre Sundanese Hindus, Hyang (Sanghyang, Sangiang) is the Creator (Sanghyang Keresa) and the One (Single Batara) that controls all kinds of power, the power for good or evil forces that can also affect the delicate spirits who are often settled in the woods, on rivers, in trees, on rocks, or in places and other objects. Hyang mengusai all these spirits and control all the forces of nature. At the time of the entry of Hindu influence, the concept of oneness of Hyang maintained because all the Hindu gods and subject to surrender on this hyang; strength is considered beyond the Hindu gods who came later. In other words, pre Sundanese people have embraced the Hindu-Buddhist monotheistic ideology where Hyang internalized as a great creator and sole ruler in nature. This conception is similar to what is taught by Islam, Allah, when it appeared the process of Islamisation in the archipelago. The term "prayer" was born from the tradition of ritual worship Hyang (The Single) is equal to pray Almighty God to worship in Islam.
When the influence of Hindu society entered the Sunda, Hinduism beliefs affect local communities already established. Both these theological convictions and then undergo a process sinkretisasi / theological assimilation. This is reflected in the hierarchy of compliance contained in the manuscript that contains Pasaprebakti Siksakandang Karesian (Loyalty Level Ten), whose contents are as follows:“Anak satia babakti ka bapak; pamajikan satia babakti ka salaki; kawala satia babakti ka dunungan; somah satia babakti ka wado; wado satia babakti ka mantri; mantri satia babakti kanu nanganan (komandan); nu nanganan satia babakti ka mangkubumi; mangkubumi satia babakti ka raja; raja satia babakti ka dewata; dewata satia babakti ka hyang”.Hyang concept is a concept that is already living on the Sunda people long before the influence of Hinduism and Buddhism are coming.
Sundanese tradition pre worshiped the Hindu-Buddhist temples are not centered in worship but in kahiyangan Hyang. Aka kahiyangan very abstract concept does not mention a physical place and buildings. Kahiyangan is where the gods reside, from the Gods Lokapala (Patron of World) until Pwah Sanghyang Sri (Rice Goddess), Dragon Pwah Nagini (Goddess Earth), and Pwah Adi Soma (Moon Goddess) who inhabit jungjunan Bwana (top of the world). Sundanese people worship traditions can Hyang mentioned as one of the reasons that explains the scarcity of other temples in Tatar Priangan. The strong belief in the old Sunda against the monotheistic Hyang, do not encourage people to build temples Sunda as a center of worship as where in the Central and East Java.
One of two small temples found in West Java, rather than showing the strong influence of Hindu-Buddhist religion, it seems built more as a symbol of power that there ever existed a small ruler, a descendant of the Kingdom of Sunda.
Egalitarian traditions Sundanese
Influence of Hinduism and Buddhism come to the island of Java in the early centuries AD, and the first area in contact with it is the seat of government of West Java are thought to be in the vicinity of Karawang and Bekasi now. The effects of both religion seems less so strong glue on the Sunda Sundanese society because society is very strong in the belief that the character of the original monotheistic, that is devoted to Hyang Tunggal.
Strong evidence of this statement is that until recently the evidence that supports the strong influence of archaic Hindu-Buddhist very little was found in West Java. If in Central Java and East Java, there are many remains of buildings and monuments sacred character of Hinduism and Buddhism, is due to the socialization of Hinduism and Buddhism are very intensively, both by the palace as well as by the Brahmins and pedanda.
Rapid spread of Hinduism and Buddhism in the community of East Java and Central Java due to the concepts and teachings of god-Kings (god-king) who according to the nature of Java when it thinks the community. For the Javanese, the king lived as an absolute role model who should get a conviction because the king was regarded as representatives of God on earth. Title of the kings is the union of the two authorities, namely the political authority (the king) and religious authority (god) who are members of such terms as rajaresi, khalifatullah fil 'Ardhi Sayidin Panatagama, and others.
Adherence to the king by militants, in addition to the core comes from the Hindu-Buddhist doctrine itself, also comes from a very strict social classification. This is reflected in the stratification that appears in the Java community that makes social dichotomy between classes as expressly nobles or aristocracy and the "grassroots. Appreciation king as a reincarnation of the god and the existence of the sharp social reffering This results in difficulty or lack of differences of opinion between the king with his subjects, including in matters of religion.
Kraton in Javanese culture is the holder of the authority of truth. Therefore, the nature of Javanese culture is the culture palace where the royal palace serves as a central point of religion, politics, and culture.
In the Sundanese people, this pattern was not found. Cultural pattern that develops is the people's culture palace where the position is not too decisive in the formation of a variety of cultures. Type of culture that developed in Sundanese society dominated by an agrarian culture with a variety of uniqueness. In other words, Javanese culture can be defined as a hierarchical feudal culture, while the Sundanese culture can be regarded as an egalitarian popular culture which reflects the degree of similarity between humans. One proof is that a democratic Sundanese Buhun pre-Mataram where there is no hierarchy of language as seen in railroad-usuk now. The term feudal and counting are also found in Sundanese society as a form of power and influence of Javanese culture in the Tatar Priangan since the reign of Mataram.
Another example that can be posed in this opinion is confirmed in the art of puppets or puppetry. In Javanese society, play is the story of wayang is a source of inspiration in understanding their social functions in the life of nation and culture. Epics Mahabharata and Ramayana became the source of ethical education which produce kastaistis behaviors such as the emergence of the slogan of "grassroots" noble and earlier.
In the Sundanese people, arts puppets or puppetry that plays two great epics were just an entertainment medium agrarisnya relieving fatigue in daily activities. The Sundanese wayang stories do not make the play as a sacred word that must imitate. They already have a very strong agrarian ethic that can not be replaced by a Hindu-Buddhist ethics is very complicated with philosophical values.
Egalitarian nature of the agricultural community and the Sundanese monotheistic beliefs that have strong roots in this long, it becomes armed Sundanese acceptance of new religious teaching in accordance with their culture and beliefs, which is Islam. When Islam came to the Tatar Sunda and start interacting with people, spontaneous, receives a very unusual, especially from among the common people. Although there is no doubt that the Sundanese are the most recent group accepted Islam around Java, this does not mean the nature konfrontatifnya against Islam, but because of the socialization of Islam that's a little late to this area.
Combined the above phenomena, ie egalitarianism Sundanese society parallel communication (democratic) between the king and his subjects as well as strengthened by the influence of Islam is widely thereafter, be social reasons for not finding a lot of temples in Tatar Sunda. Values of egalitarianism and democratic society the people of the ruler of communication patterns affect the way the king and his subjects looked at the power and the way each sees himself. King did not need to separate themselves in a building that is exclusive and rigid distance from his subjects.
As the palace serves as a symbol of a clear separation between the complex power of the king with his people, the temple was also built as a symbol of affirmation of a clear distinction between the king and his subjects and more are the means exclusive of the kings perform rites and cults worshiped. In Tatar Sunda the egalitarian and proximity to nature as an agrarian society, led to focus more directly worshiped and respect to nature and to Sanghyang rather than to the king.
Only One Kingdom
In the archipelago, the temple functions not only as a place to worship the king only, but also serves as a monument to a ruling dynasty. Political infighting and fighting power prestige antarkerajaan has produced a magnificent temples in the vicinity of Central Java and East Java, such as the House of Sailendra with Borobudurnya Temple and the Temple Prambanannya Wangsa Sanjaya. Substitution of royal power, either through formal succession or through the struggle for power, always accompanied with the construction of magnificent temples as monuments of his power. When today we witnessed a large number of temples in Central Java and East Java, we can expect rapid advancement than as a symbol of a kingdom, how many also conflicts and political rivalries that occurred in Java in that era.
The function of the temple as a monument to the power of an empire like this, do not occur in Tatar Sunda kingdom's ruling because Tatar Sunda only one, namely the Kingdom of Sunda; only the central government are moving from the Galuh (Ciamis), moved to Pakuan Pajajaran (Bogor ), moving back to Kawali (Ciamis) and then moved to another Pakuan (Sartono Kartodirdjo, 1977). In other words, the powers of the king in the Sundanese keratonnya centralized and even then only one possibility. But - at least until recently - have not found any keratonnya is the city where the place was moving. The temple was already found one, like the temples Cangkuang in Garut, in addition to the process of reconstruction is still controversial, yet also represent a legacy of the Kingdom of Sunda. Single power, namely the Kingdom of Sunda, is a strong reason to support the other reasons already mentioned about not many temples in Tatar Priangan.
Thus, the scarcity of the temple in an area not always reflect the level of civilization. The temple is just one of the monumental building that was built by a dynasty of royal prestige to the needs of the royal family worshiped, as well as a symbol of power. Kingdom of Sunda is a proven powerful kingdom when the Kingdom Madjapahit are top of his reign, the Kingdom of Sunda was never subdued under the influence. Thus, the establishment of the temple in a territory more directly related to patterns of authority, theological concepts, and developing political tradition. Apparently, according to the strong tendency of the monotheistic theological concepts, the democratic traditions of communication patterns between the ruler with his people and the power of the centralized and single-Sunda, scarcity and even temples in Tatar Sunda absence was granted.
This is the local distinctiveness and rich tradition of power in futility. Sundanese people need to get rid of such "historical grief" scarcity temples in West Java as an indication of low level of civilization and conversely the number of temples as an indication of achievement of civilization. This perception is in fact an attitude of "inferior culture" (cultural inferiority complex) in the presence of other cultures, while the Sundanese culture has a social system of their own culture more oriented to actual values, religiosity, and other things that are abstract.
This temple is located at Kampung Pulo, the village of Cangkuang, sub-district of Leles, Garut district- West Java. The village of Cangkuang is surrounded by four huge mountains, namely Mt. Harumun, Mt. Kaledong, Mt. Mandalawangi and Mt. Guntur. The name Cangkuang for the temple is derived from the name of the village. The word ‘Cangkuang’ refers to a kind of pandanus furcatus plant family heavily growing in the grave yard of Mbah Dalem Arief Muhammad, the forefather of Kampung Pulo. The leaves of cangkuang are exploited to make sun hats, mats or cover sugar palm.
Cangkuang temple was discovered by the historical team of Leles on 9 December1996. The research team sponsored by Mr. Idji Htadji (CV. Harumun) was under the coordination of Prof. Harsoyo, Uka Tjandrasasmita (the leader of Islamic History and archeological institution), and the students of Bandung IKIP (Teacher Training Institute). The excavation carried out was inspired by the notes of Vorderman in his book of Notulen Bataviaasch Genotschap, published in 1893, saying that there were an old grave yard and a damaged statue in the village of Cangkuang. It is said that the discoveries are located in a hill of Kampung Pulo.
The grave yard and the statue of Shiva were discovered by the team. The old grave yard does belong to Mbah Arief Muhammad considered as the forefather of local people. At the beginning of the excavation, there was seen a heap of rocks likely ruins of a temple with the old grave nearby and a statue of Shiva lying among the ruins of the building. Discovering the andesite rock blocks, the team under the leadership of Tjandrasasmita became sure that the place around the space was originally standing a temple. Local people usually exploit the blocks of the rocks to build the tombs.
These initial discoveries have encouraged the Historical Team and The Archeological Institution to do further excavation at the location immediately. The excavation was carried out until 1968. The process of renovation was carried out during 1974 – 1975 and the reconstruction was done at 1976 covering the frame of the body, the roof and the Shiva statue and a joglo (Javanese roof style) museum. The museum was intended to keep and to register the archeological articles of archeological remains from throughout of Garut district. In carrying out the renovation in 1974, the rocks of the temple were discovered as the parts of the temple’s foot. The main impediment for temple reconstruction was missing of the rocks. Only 40 % of the whole original rocks were found. Hence, the rest parts were constructed with the mixture of stones, cement, split coral, sand and irons. 
Presently, the entrance gate into the room is set a door of iron locked trellis. There is a room of 2.2 m square inside the temple, and the height is 3.38 m. The statue of Shiva of 62 cm is in the center of the room. It is said that here is a hole of 7 meter in depth underneath the statue, but it cannot be proved as no one is allowed to enter into the room.
This archeological site was discovered on 18 August 2002. This discovery was accidentally taken place by the local people who excavate soils near by the present location of the temple to fill the path at their village. The area belonged to local resident named as Anen. Observing the cluster of ants around, people decided to find out what behind by digging out the spot. Half of a meter down, they found the hollow space surrounded by the ruins of rocks orderly arranged. The digging was continued until the whole forms of the rocks were clearly appeared. At the depth of eighty centimeters, the excavation was stopped and the discovery was reported to the government.
Until the end of 2005 the excavation has not been completed yet. The site is situated in the residential area of the villagers and now surrounded by hedges. The space of the site is likely a pool filled by the water. Ruins in the center of the area are also surrounded by thorn wires to avoid any further damage by irresponsible people.
So far, experts have yet to reveal when and by whom the temples in Batujaya were constructed due to the limited amount of data. Attempts to reconstruct the temples are also far from easy as temples in Batujaya are made of bricks. Experts also have to deal with financial constraints. Only once they received a fund from PT Ford Motor Indonesia in 2003.